University of Aberdeen Abstract Background Teenage pregnancy is a known social problem which has been previously described using a number of deprivation measures. This study aimed to explore the temporal patterns of teenage pregnancy in Aberdeen, Scotland and to assess the discriminating ability of three measures of socioeconomic status.
Teen childbearing measures varied somewhat across studies. Five studies looked The determinants of teenage pregnancy using birth rates among teens. Three studies analyzed only family-level socioeconomic influences on teen pregnancy. For Latinas, this association held regardless of country of birth.
When student characteristics were analyzed as separate variables rather than as part of a profilelower family-level SES was predictive of teen motherhood even among participants with personal assets that were protective against teen birth, such as popularity.
Of the eight studies that focused on community-level influences, five included only community-level measures of socioeconomic influences on teen pregnancy; 2224272930 the remaining three included both community- and family-level measures.
For birth rates among teens aged 18—19 years, lower PCI was uniformly associated with higher rates, and higher income inequality was associated with higher birth rates only in counties with the lowest proportions of black teens.
County-level average wage was inversely associated, and unemployment rate was positively associated, with county-level teen birth rates.
Modern communities had higher teen birth rates. They found that higher percentages of the population living below the federal poverty level, lower percentages of adults with a college degree, and higher percentages of employed males were positively associated with higher teen birth rates at the ZIP Code level.
For example, whereas higher percentages of employed Hispanic males were positively associated with Hispanic teen birth rates, lower percentages of NHW employed males were associated with higher NHW teen birth rates. Their analysis, which was limited to black females, found that 1 teens living in the poorest, most segregated, predominantly black neighborhoods and 2 teens living in segregated, predominantly black working-class neighborhoods experienced shorter times to teen birth, as compared with the reference group of teens living in racially mixed working-class neighborhoods.
The analysis was adjusted for several family-level characteristics known to be associated with teen childbearing and provided evidence that, for metropolitan black teens, segregation may exert a stronger influence on timing of teen birth than poverty.
After adjusting for relevant individual- and family-level variables, they found that growing up in a family with a low income-to-needs-ratio was associated with higher odds of teen birth. The authors interpreted this finding as evidence that concentrated male joblessness does not contribute to high birth rates among African American teens.
Other findings led them to conclude that male joblessness does, however, lead to higher birth rates among unmarried women. They found that, among black children and white children who were followed to adulthood, black women resided in neighborhoods with qualitatively higher levels of disadvantage and lower levels of affluence two distinct scales based on Census data.
Much of the influence of neighborhood-level socioeconomic factors appeared to be mediated by teen attitudes toward childbearing and by peer influences. Manlove evaluated school dropout an individual-level socioeconomic measureschool resources a school-level measure based on percentage of students receiving subsidized lunchesand SES a family-level measure based on income, occupation, and education as predictors of teen birth.
Among Hispanic teens, higher family SES was inversely associated with teen birth. Among black teens, higher family SES was positively associated with teen birth; however, attendance at a private school, which could reflect higher family SES as well as school-level influences, was inversely associated with teen birth.
Among white teens, but not black or Hispanic teens, attending a more highly resourced school whether it was public or private was inversely associated with teen birth. Being the daughter of a mother who gave birth as a teen is generally considered to be a risk factor for teen birth.
In a study that included both family- and community-level measures of socioeconomic influences, Driscoll et al. For teens from advantaged, high-opportunity communities, having high educational expectations was not associated with teen birth. However, for those with low family-level SES who resided in low-opportunity communities, high educational expectations were protective against teen birth.
Few reported associations contradicted this pattern. One exception—the finding of Kirby et al. Higher employment rates can serve as proxies for reduced parental monitoring, a factor that may contribute to teen birth rates.
Massey and Shibuya found that higher census-tract percentages of jobless men were associated with lower odds of teen birth, but only after adjusting for several important individual- and family-level socioeconomic influences.
One theory is that, unlike their more advantaged counterparts, disadvantaged young women may not perceive early childbearing as an obstacle to a bright future; indeed, they may perceive it as one of few viable paths to adulthood.
Nevertheless, they may be particularly powerful, as compared with other influences.
We recommend that future research into social determinants of sexual health include multiple levels of measurement whenever possible.
Census data, as was done in four studies in our review. As noted previously, a large body of work has been conducted to test the hypotheses of Wilson 1011 regarding early childbearing among the urban poor, many of whom are African American. The study by Sucoff and Upchurch, 12 which examined the role of racial segregation on the risk of childbearing among urban African American teens, is an outstanding example of such an analysis, as are the studies by South and Baumer 14 and Massey and Shibuya.
For example, Wingo et al. For one, it excluded qualitative studies. Qualitative research can yield valuable insights on how socioeconomic disadvantage contributes to teen sexual health.
Additionally, although we focused on determinants of becoming a teen mother, there is much to be learned from the literature on determinants of 1 teen pregnancy regardless of whether a teen birth occurred and 2 repeat pregnancy and birth among teen mothers.The main determinant of teenage pregnancy is commonly seen to be poor or lack of sexual education, but this essay will outline and explore further options such as social and economic issues including the involvement of education via both schooling and the media on sexual attitudes influencing.
Evaluating the social determinants of teenage pregnancy: A temporal analysis using a UK obstetric database from to Article in Journal of epidemiology and community health · September. Some determinants of teenage pregnancy from other studies included, poverty, family structure, parenting practices, and parental supervision and early marriage which is a .
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. CDC twenty four seven. Promoting Science-Based Approaches to Teen Pregnancy Prevention Using Getting to Outcomes. Reducing Disparities in Teen Births. Social Determinants and Eliminating Disparities in Teen Pregnancy.
Request PDF on ResearchGate | Evaluating the social determinants of teenage pregnancy: A temporal analysis using a UK obstetric database from to . Study objective: To examine whether attitude to school is associated with subsequent risk of teenage pregnancy.
To test two hypotheses that attitude to school is linked to pregnancy via pathways involving young people having "alternative" expectations or deficits in sexual health knowledge and.